|
|
Little Murders| | by Charles J. Chaput Oct 18, 2008
In an address delivered on October 17, Archbishop Charles J. Chaput
stated that ''Prof. Douglas Kmiec has a strong record of service to the
Church and the nation in his past. But I think his activism for Senator
Barack Obama, and the work of Democratic-friendly groups like Catholics
United and Catholics in Alliance for the Common Good, have done a
disservice to the Church, confused the natural priorities of Catholic
social teaching, undermined the progress pro-lifers have made, and
provided an excuse for some Catholics to abandon the abortion issue
instead of fighting within their parties and at the ballot box to
protect the unborn.'' The following is condensed and adapted from an
address Charles J. Chaput delivered at an ENDOW (''Educating on the
Nature and Dignity of Women'') dinner, October 17.
Before I begin, I need to say what a friend of mine calls my ''Litany
to the IRS.'' Here it is. I'm not here to tell you how to vote. I don't
want to do that, I won't do that, and I don't use code language - so
you don't need to spend any time looking for secret political
endorsements.
I plan to speak candidly, but I can only do that if you remember that
I'm here as an author and private citizen. I'm not speaking for the
Holy See, or the American bishops, or any other bishop, or even
officially for the Archdiocese of Denver. So the things I say are my
personal views, nothing more. I think they're pretty solidly grounded
in Catholic teaching and the heart of the Church, but it's your task as
Catholics and citizens to listen, evaluate and then act as you judge
best.
As adults, each of us needs to form a strong Catholic conscience. Then
we need to follow that conscience when we vote. And then we need to
take responsibility for the consequences of the vote we cast. Nobody
can do that for us. That's why really knowing and living our Catholic
faith is so important. It's the only reliable guide we have for acting
in the public square as disciples of Jesus Christ.
Render Unto Caesar So let's talk for a few minutes about my recent book
Render Unto Caesar. When people ask me about the book, the questions
usually fall into three categories. Why did I write it? What does the
book say? And what does the book mean for each of us as individual
Catholics?
Why did I write this book, now? One answer is simple. A friend asked me
to do it. Back in 2004, a young attorney I know ran for public office
as a prolife Democrat. He nearly won in a heavily Republican district.
But he also discovered how hard it can be to raise money, run a
campaign and stay true to your Catholic convictions, all at the same
time. After the election he asked me to put my thoughts about faith and
politics into a form that other young Catholics could use who were
thinking about a political vocation - and it really is a ''vocation.''
That's where the idea started. But I also had another reason for doing
the book. Frankly, I just got tired of hearing outsiders and insiders
tell Catholics to keep quiet about our religious and moral views in the
big public debates that involve all of us as a society. That's a kind
of bullying, and I don't think Catholics should accept it.
Another reason for writing the book is that when I looked around for a
single source that explains the Catholic political vocation in an easy,
authentic and engaging way, it just didn't exist. So I thought I might
as well try to write it, because a friend told me it would
''practically write itself.'' So what does the book say? I think the
message of Render Unto Caesar can be condensed into a few basic points.
Here's the first point. For many years, studies have shown that
Americans have a very poor sense of history, and that's very dangerous,
because as Thucydides and Machiavelli and Thomas Jefferson have all
said, history matters. It matters because the past shapes the present,
and the present shapes the future. If American Catholics don't know
history, and especially their own history as Catholics, then somebody
else - and usually somebody not very friendly - will create their
history for them.
Here's the second point. America is not a secular state. As historian
Paul Johnson once said, America was ''born Protestant.'' It has
uniquely and deeply religious roots. Obviously it has no established
Church, and it has non-sectarian public institutions. It also has
plenty of room for both believers and non-believers. But the United
States was never intended to be a ''secular'' country in the radical
modern sense. Nearly all the Founders were either Christian or at least
religion-friendly. And all of our public institutions and all of our
ideas about the human person are based in a religiously shaped
vocabulary. So if we cut God out of our public life, we cut the
foundation out from under our national ideals.
Here's the third point. We need to be very forceful in defending what
the words in our political vocabulary really mean. Words are important
because they shape our thinking, and our thinking drives our actions.
When we subvert the meaning of words like ''the common good'' or
''conscience'' or ''community'' or ''family,'' we undermine the
language that sustains our thinking about the law. Dishonest language
leads to dishonest debate and bad laws.
Here's an example. We need to remember that tolerance is not a
Christian virtue, and it's never an end in itself. In fact, tolerating
grave evil within a society is itself a form of evil. Likewise,
democratic pluralism does not mean that Catholics should be quiet in
public about serious moral issues because of some misguided sense of
good manners. A healthy democracy requires vigorous moral debate to
survive. Real pluralism demands that people of strong beliefs will
advance their convictions in the public square - peacefully, legally
and respectfully, but energetically and without embarrassment. Anything
less is bad citizenship and a form of theft from the public
conversation.
Here's the fourth point. When Jesus tells the Pharisees and Herodians
in the Gospel of Matthew (22:21) to ''render unto the Caesar the things
that are Caesar's and to God the things that are God's,'' he sets the
framework for how we should think about religion and the state even
today. Caesar does have rights. We owe civil authority our respect and
appropriate obedience. But that obedience is limited by what belongs to
God. Caesar is not God. Only God is God, and the state is subordinate
and accountable to God for its treatment of human persons, all of whom
were created by God. Our job as believers is to figure out what things
belong to Caesar, and what things belong to God - and then to put those
things in right order in our own lives, and in our relations with
others.
So having said all this, what does the book mean, in practice, for each
of us as individual Catholics? It means that we each have a duty to
study and grow in our faith, guided by the teaching of the Church. It
also means that we have a duty to be politically engaged. Why? Because
politics is the exercise of power, and the use of power always has
moral content and human consequences.
As Christians, we can't claim to love God and then ignore the needs of
our neighbors. Loving God is like loving a spouse. A husband may tell
his wife that he loves her, and of course that's very beautiful. But
she'll still want to see the evidence in his actions. Likewise if we
claim to be ''Catholic,'' we need to prove it by our behavior. And
serving other people by working for justice and charity in our nation's
political life is one of the very important ways we do that.
The ''separation of Church and state'' does not mean - and it can never
mean - separating our Catholic faith from our public witness, our
political choices and our political actions. That kind of separation
would require Christians to deny who we are; to repudiate Jesus when he
commands us to be ''leaven in the world'' and to ''make disciples of
all nations.'' That kind of separation steals the moral content of a
society. It's the equivalent of telling a married man that he can't act
married in public. Of course, he can certainly do that, but he won't
stay married for long.
Can a Catholic Support Him? Asking the Big Question about Barack Obama
I began work on Render Unto Caesar in July 2006. I made the final
changes to the text in November 2007. That's a long time before anyone
was nominated for president, and it was Doubleday, not I, that set the
book's release date for August 2008. So - unlike Prof. Douglas Kmiec's
recent book, Can a Catholic Support Him? Asking the Big Question about
Barack Obama, which argues a Catholic case for Senator Obama - I wrote
Render Unto Caesar with no interest in supporting or attacking any
candidate or any political party.
The goal of Render Unto Caesar was simply to describe what an authentic
Catholic approach to political life looks like, and then to encourage
Americans Catholics to live it.
Prof. Kmiec has a strong record of service to the Church and the nation
in his past. He served in the Reagan administration, and he supported
Mitt Romney's campaign for president before switching in a very public
way to Barack Obama earlier this year. In his own book he quotes from
Render Unto Caesar at some length. In fact, he suggests that his
reasoning and mine are ''not far distant on the moral inquiry necessary
in the election of 2008.'' Unfortunately, he either misunderstands or
misuses my words, and he couldn't be more mistaken.
I believe that Senator Obama, whatever his other talents, is the most
committed ''abortion-rights'' presidential candidate of either major
party since the Roe v. Wade abortion decision in 1973. Despite what
Prof. Kmiec suggests, the party platform Senator Obama runs on this
year is not only aggressively ''pro-choice;'' it has also removed any
suggestion that killing an unborn child might be a regrettable thing.
On the question of homicide against the unborn child - and let's
remember that the great Lutheran pastor Dietrich Bonhoeffer explicitly
called abortion ''murder'' - the Democratic platform that emerged from
Denver in August 2008 is clearly anti-life.
Prof. Kmiec argues that there are defensible motives to support Senator
Obama. Speaking for myself, I do not know any proportionate reason that
could outweigh more than 40 million unborn children killed by abortion
and the many millions of women deeply wounded by the loss and regret
abortion creates.
To suggest - as some Catholics do - that Senator Obama is this year's
''real'' prolife candidate requires a peculiar kind of self-hypnosis,
or moral confusion, or worse. To portray the 2008 Democratic Party
presidential ticket as the preferred ''prolife'' option is to subvert
what the word ''prolife'' means. Anyone interested in Senator Obama's
record on abortion and related issues should simply read Prof. Robert
P. George's Public Discourse essay from earlier this week, ''Obama's
Abortion Extremism,'' and his follow-up article, ''Obama and
Infanticide.'' They say everything that needs to be said.
Of course, these are simply my personal views as an author and private
citizen. But I'm grateful to Prof. Kmiec for quoting me in his book and
giving me the reason to speak so clearly about our differences. I think
his activism for Senator Obama, and the work of Democratic-friendly
groups like Catholics United and Catholics in Alliance for the Common
Good, have done a disservice to the Church, confused the natural
priorities of Catholic social teaching, undermined the progress
prolifers have made, and provided an excuse for some Catholics to
abandon the abortion issue instead of fighting within their parties and
at the ballot box to protect the unborn.
And here's the irony. None of the Catholic arguments advanced in favor
of Senator Obama are new. They've been around, in one form or another,
for more than 25 years. All of them seek to ''get beyond'' abortion, or
economically reduce the number of abortions, or create a better society
where abortion won't be necessary. All of them involve a misuse of the
seamless garment imagery in Catholic social teaching. And all of them,
in practice, seek to contextualize, demote and then counterbalance the
evil of abortion with other important but less foundational social
issues.
This is a great sadness. As Chicago 's Cardinal Francis George said
recently, too many Americans have ''no recognition of the fact that
children continue to be killed [by abortion], and we live therefore, in
a country drenched in blood. This can't be something you start playing
off pragmatically against other issues.'' Meanwhile, the basic human
rights violation at the heart of abortion - the intentional destruction
of an innocent, developing human life - is wordsmithed away as a
terrible crime that just can't be fixed by the law. I don't believe
that. I think that argument is a fraud. And I don't think any serious
believer can accept that argument without damaging his or her
credibility. We still have more than a million abortions a year, and we
can't blame them all on Republican social policies. After all, it was a
Democratic president, not a Republican, who vetoed the partial birth
abortion ban - twice.
The truth is that for some Catholics, the abortion issue has never been
a comfortable cause. It's embarrassing. It's not the kind of social
justice they like to talk about. It interferes with their natural
political alliances. And because the homicides involved in abortion are
''little murders'' - the kind of private, legally protected murders
that kill conveniently unseen lives - it's easy to look the other way.
The one genuinely new quality to Catholic arguments for Senator Obama
is their packaging. Just as the abortion lobby fostered ''Catholics for
a Free Choice'' to challenge Catholic teaching on abortion more than
two decades ago, so supporters of Senator Obama have done something
similar in seeking to neutralize the witness of bishops and the
pro-life movement by offering a ''Catholic'' alternative to the
Church's priority on sanctity of life issues. I think it's an
intelligent strategy. I also think it's wrong and often dishonest.
It's curious that nobody seems to worry about the ''separation of
Church and state,'' or religious interference in the public square,
when the religious voices that speak up support a certain kind of
candidate. In his book, Prof. Kmiec complains about the agenda and
influence of what he terms RFPs - Republican Faith Partisans. But he
also seems to pay them the highest kind of compliment: imitation. If
RFPs are bad, is it unreasonable to assume that DFPs - Democratic Faith
Partisans - are equally dangerous?
As I suggest throughout Render Unto Caesar, it's important for
Catholics to be people of faith who pursue politics to achieve justice;
not people of politics who use and misuse faith to achieve power. I
have no doubt that Prof. Kmiec belongs to the former group. But I
believe his arguments finally serve the latter.
For 35 years I've watched thousands of good Catholic laypeople, clergy
and religious struggle to recover some form of legal protection for the
unborn child. The abortion lobby has fought every compromise and every
legal restriction on abortion, every step of the way. Apparently they
believe in their convictions more than some of us Catholics believe in
ours. And I think that's an indictment of an entire generation of
American Catholic leadership.
The abortion conflict has never simply been about repealing Roe v.
Wade. And the many pro-lifers I know live a much deeper kind of
discipleship than ''single issue'' politics. But they do understand
that the cornerstone of Catholic social teaching is protecting human
life from conception to natural death. They do understand that every
other human right depends on the right to life. They did not and do not
and will not give up - and they won't be lied to.
So I think that people who claim that the abortion struggle is ''lost''
as a matter of law, or that supporting an outspoken defender of legal
abortion is somehow ''prolife,'' are not just wrong; they're betraying
the witness of every person who continues the work of defending the
unborn child. And I hope they know how to explain that, because someday
they'll be required to. | | | Posted 10/29/2008 8:28 PM - 7 Views - 0 eProps - 0 comments
- recommend
  - recs0
- share
- email
 - sent0
|
|
